PA-05 · Campaign Finance · 2025–26 Cycle

Where the money
comes from.

Campaign finance is public record. Every figure on this page comes straight from FEC filings, current through April 29, 2026. Click any source to verify.

44¢ of every dollar
came from PACs.

Of the $838,903 Rep. Scanlon has raised this cycle, $373,200 came from political action committees. Small-dollar donors giving under $200 accounted for 8 cents of every dollar.

PAC money$373,200 · 44%
Large individual donations ($200+)$396,564 · 47%
Small-dollar donors (under $200)$68,359 · 8%

Party committees gave $779, less than 1%. Percentages are of total contributions.

$838,952

Total raised this cycle

$400,102

Cash on hand

$756,596

Spent so far

Source: FEC committee filing ↗

Who her big donors work for

Top employers of her itemized individual donors this cycle. Ballard Spahr, the Philadelphia law firm where she worked before Congress, leads the list, as it did last cycle.

Biggest PAC checks this cycle

Committee names as filed with the FEC. Totals combine multiple checks from the same PAC.

JSTREETPAC$13,886

How this compares to last cycle

In the 202324 cycle she raised $1,532,211 in total, with PAC money at 46% of contributions and small-dollar donors at 8%.

Career context

Pro-Israel PACs have given her $74,661 across her career, as aggregated from FEC filings by Track AIPAC. Last cycle her top contributor was Ballard Spahr at $96,495 and her top industry was lawyers and law firms at $243,446, per OpenSecrets.

Track AIPAC, via fec.gov ↗ · OpenSecrets: 2023–24 summary ↗

Her donor's other client

Here is the plain version. Ballard Spahr is not just her top campaign donor. It is where her husband still works, and it is the source of his salary, his pension, and a 401(k) worth more than $1 million, all disclosed on her Conflict of Interest page. Federal lobbying records show Ballard Spahr is also a registered lobbyist for Independence Blue Cross, the insurer that dominates the marketplace in her district.

Independence Blue Cross and its Keystone Health Plan East subsidiary hold 26% of Pennsylvania's ACA marketplace, sold only in Bucks, Chester, Delaware, Montgomery, and Philadelphia counties. Chester, Delaware, Montgomery, and Philadelphia make up PA-05; Bucks does not. For 2026, Independence Blue Cross requested a 16.7% premium increase and Keystone requested 23.5%, per the Philadelphia Inquirer's review of filings with the Pennsylvania Insurance Department.

Ballard Spahr's current lobbying filings on the Independence Blue Cross account cite Medicare Advantage policy, ACA marketplace stability, and pharmacy benefit manager reform, the same cost drivers behind those premium requests. Congress's own advisory body, the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC), estimated in its March 2026 report that the federal government will pay Medicare Advantage insurers nationwide about $76 billion more in 2026 than it would cost to cover the same seniors under traditional Medicare, 14% above what fee-for-service Medicare pays. That $76 billion is a nationwide total spread across every Medicare Advantage insurer, not a number specific to Independence Blue Cross. But Medicare Advantage, ACA marketplace stability, and PBM reform are exactly what her household's law firm lobbies on.

Meanwhile in Delco, median household income in Chester is $41,342 a year, and the county has lost three hospitals since 2018, a story we document on our Healthcare page. Rep. Scanlon has acted against a different part of the health care industry, introducing the Take Back Our Hospitals Act to target private equity hospital operators. Ballard Spahr does not represent private equity hospital operators. It represents health insurers. Whether any of this shaped a vote is not something we claim. The relationships and the numbers are public record; you can trace them yourself.

Independence Blue Cross lobbying disclosure, via Legis1 ↗ · Philadelphia Inquirer: 2026 PA rate requests ↗ · MedPAC, March 2026 Report to Congress ↗ · Census Reporter: Chester city income ↗

What she's worth personally

Campaign contributions are money she raises to run for office. Her personal finances are a separate number. Based on the asset and liability ranges in her financial disclosures, Quiver Quantitative estimates Rep. Scanlon's net worth at $10.1 million, up from the $4.9 million OpenSecrets calculated for her first year in Congress in 2019.

For comparison, median household income in Chester, the Delaware County city inside PA-05, was $41,342 in the Census Bureau's most recent estimate. Her estimated net worth is more than 240 times that figure.

Quiver Quantitative: net worth estimate ↗ · Census Reporter: Chester city income ↗

A late-reported stock trade

The STOCK Act requires members of Congress to publicly disclose stock trades made by themselves, a spouse, or a dependent child within 45 days. In February 2021, Rep. Scanlon's husband, Mark S. Stewart, sold four stocks worth up to $95,000 combined and exchanged up to $15,000 in DuPont de Nemours shares. Neither transaction was disclosed until Scanlon filed a report on August 12, 2022, about a year and a half late. A second disclosure filed August 26, 2022 reported a similarly late exchange of Exelon Corporation shares the couple held jointly.

Business Insider's Conflicted Congress project surfaced the lapse alongside three other House Democrats. Scanlon's spokesperson told Insider the trades were made in her husband's retirement account, managed by an independent financial advisor with discretion over trades, and that Scanlon paid the standard $200 late fee and put new procedures in place once she learned of the gap. More on the household's other financial ties is on our Conflict of Interest page.

Rep. Scanlon's office: statement on the filing ↗ · Business Insider, via Yahoo News ↗

Cycle figures come from the FEC API for her campaign committee, Scanlon for Congress, and update automatically as new filings are published. Current through her pre-primary filing covering activity to April 29, 2026. “Small-dollar” means unitemized contributions, which the FEC defines as donations under $200. The PAC list excludes ActBlue, a passthrough for individual donations. Her complete filing history is on the FEC candidate page. Accepting campaign contributions is legal and universal in Congress; we publish these figures so constituents can see who funds their representation and draw their own conclusions.